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Florentine explorer and
cartographer, two of his famous letters (b.1451-d.1512)
Amerigo Vespucci as a famous navigator in Spain, looking up to the
stars which guided him, from an engraving made after a painting
purportedly by the famous Florentine painter Bronzino Mariner's Compass
Dial
"It is worthy of remark, that while all the prominent powers of
Europe availed themselves of the services of Italian navigators in
prosecuting the discovery of new regions, and in acquiring new
possessions; not a foot of territory was obtained by any of the
governments of that country. 'The skill in nautical science, which the citizens of her republics
had acquired, in the course of a long and prosperous career of
mercantile enterprise, was rendered entirely useless to them by the
petty feuds and factions which occupied the attention of their rulers. 'Venice, Genoa, Florence, and Pisa, though fully awake to the
importance of the undertakings which were in progress, and sensible that
their success would inevitably be the beginning of ruin to their own
commerce, were yet so much engrossed in the unfortunate conflicts of the
times, they heeded not the warnings which occasionally reached them."
Lester from The Life and Voyages of Americus Vespucius,
1853.
King Ferdinand of Spain "The dominions of Ferdinand and Isabella just then [1490] afforded a
fine field for profit in merchandise. The splendid court of those
illustrious sovereigns, and the wars they had for a long time prosecuted
against the Moors, had drawn from all quarters of Europe large numbers
of chivalrous young nobility of the age, who were anxious to gain
reputation and military experience on the field of battle, and regarded
the contest with the infidels on the hills of Grenada, in the light of
another Christian crusade. 'Italian merchants and bankers were not backward in taking advantage
of the wants occasioned by this great influx of foreigners, and such
extensive military movements. A great many of them were to be
found in all parts of the Peninsula..." One was to become
Amerigo's associate, Juan [Giovanni] Barnardi.
Lester from The Life and Voyages of Americus Vespucius, 1853
Queen Isabella of Spain Giovanni Caboto In June, 1497, Giovanni Caboto (he was a Venetian citizen) and his English crew landed in
Newfoundland, Canada, after sailing from Bristol, England, via Ireland
and then a northerly route. They returned to England safely and
were feted. Caboto set out again in 1498 with more ships but was
never heard from again. In 1005, or so, the Icelander Viking Leif Ericson and his sailors
settled the northern tip of Newfoundland and called their settlement
Vinland. "An Italian woman named Elena Vespucci, bearing
proofs of her lineal descent from the famous navigator, came to America
a few years ago, and made application to our Congress for a grant of
land, on account of her relationship to the Florentine from whom our
continent derived its name. Subsequently, her brother and two sisters,
Amerigo, Eliza, and Teresa Vespucci, made a similar petition to
Congress. They mention the fact that Elena, "possessing a disposition
somewhat indocile and unmanageable, absented herself from her father’s
house, and proceeded to London. Hence she crossed the ocean, and landed
upon the shores of Brazil, at Rio Janeiro. From that city she proceeded
to Washington, the capital of the United States." Elena Vespucci was
treated with respect. Possessed of youth and beauty, she attracted much
attention at the metropolis, but the prayer in the petition of both
herself and her family was denied. She was living at Ogdensburgh, New
York, when I visited that place in 1848." Lossing, from
Fieldbook of the Revolution, 1850
Elena scandalized the locals and society by living
with a man, Parish, out of wedlock. She may have been already wed
in Europe, so to avoid bigamy, she and Parish never married. When
she neared the age of 60, he paid her to move to Paris on her own, and
promised her an allowance (alimony of sorts). Nothing more is
known of Elena Vespucci after that time. Modern accounts of her
story are most often written by men, based on writing by men in the
past. They are largely negative, slanderous, and generally unkind.
Elena was an adventurous, independent minded woman, with modern sexual
sensibilities, who used her looks and sophistication to gain financial
support, attention, and a life-partner. The rest of her family
died in near poverty in Florence.
The voyages of Christopher Columbus, John
Cabot, and Amerigo Vespucci dramatically changed the world map. One of
the earliest printed maps to incorporate this new world view was
Johann
Ruysch's map which is found in the 1507 reprinting of the 1490 Rome
edition of Ptolemy's Geographia, both of which are
represented in the division. It is believed that Ruysch, a native of
Antwerp, accompanied Bristol seamen on a voyage to the great fishing
banks off the coast of Newfoundland in about 1500. (Atlas
Collection, U. S. Library of Congress)
Martin Waldseemuller. Cosmographiae introductio [St. Die,
1507]. This collective work of the group around Waldseemuller
contains the famous suggestion that the New World be named "America" for
Amerigo Vespucci, as well as an account of Vespucci's voyages that
credits Columbus with discovery. (John Boyd Thacher Collection) This was fortunate, because changing political and territorial
situations in the Near East meant that overland trade caravans were
too risky for traders. Water routes were sought to go to the
rich Eastern India and China.
Mariner's Astrolabe With maps, trade routes were scouted and trade encampments
established around Africa, thanks to the voyages of the Portuguese
Bartholomew Diaz in 1486, for the Portuguese crown. Columbus conducted trade and discovery voyages to the New World,
North and Central America, from 1492 onward, for the Spanish crown. Many other explorers traveled out, sponsored by the French and
English crowns too, and later by private corporations. Some
went forth with a benediction from the Pope. Luckily for us, these voyages coincided with the birth of the
printing press, and a new literary age, when writers set out to
document the events of their age in letters, pamphlets and books, as
did Amerigo Vespucci.
Vespucci grew up in Florence when she was the center of the New
Learning: the Liberal Arts and Classical education that was inspired
by ancient Greek and Arab texts. Amerigo had a strong grasp of
Latin, geometry, mathematics, classical history, cosmography, and
had even met the famous cosmographer Toscanelli.
Amerigo Vespucci as a young man in Florence Amerigo grew up a contemporary of Lorenzo (the Magnificent) de'
Medici, and of Piero Soderini, who would later rise to rule
Florence. Soderini would receive letters from his childhood friend, Amerigo,
about Vespucci's travels. In 1490, Amerigo went to Spain to make his business fortune.
His family had suffered a financial setback, so his efforts were
needed. He left Florence specifically as an agent for Lorenzo
di Pierfrancesco de' Medici, to take care of some pressing business
interests Lorenzo had in Spain.
Lorenzo was Lorenzo the Magnificent's
young cousin, educated along with Lorenzo's still younger children,
and was later a rival of Lorenzo's son, Pietro, for head of the
Medici family interests when Lorenzo the Magnificent died. Amerigo traveled to Spain with his younger cousin, Giovanni, who
later accompanied him on all his voyages, and learned the skill of
navigation from his older cousin. Giovanni was purported to be a
witty young man who was good company, an important trait for sailors
in any era. Amerigo also escorted to Spain many children of
Florentine nobles, who were sent there solely for the adventure and experience of travel. Once in Spain, Amerigo worked as a business agent for Florentine
families. He worked together with another agent, Donato Niccollini. But by 1492, Amerigo was working with Juan Bernardi, who was soon
after contracted by the King and Queen of Spain to equip and
maintain a fleet of four ships that were to sail back and forth
between Spain and the New World, or the Indies, as it was then
believed. That's how Amerigo became the agent who equipped Columbus's fleet. Around 1495, Amerigo met Christopher Columbus (Admiral Colon),
and the two were said to have discussed their differing theories
about what Columbus had discovered on his voyage. Columbus
believed he had seen territory belonging to the Great Khan of Asia,
while Vespucci believed Columbus had discovered a new continent that
existed somewhere between the Atlantic and the Indian oceans. Columbus was a well-read and superstitious man. But
Vespucci was a well-studied man who was schooled in the new Liberal
Arts, which centered around man and science, not God nor
superstition. So it is no surprise that Vespucci's version of
the truth was the most accurate.
In 1497 Amerigo Vespucci set sail with a private expedition to
the New World as a representative of the Spanish crown.
Private expeditions were allowed under a General License issued by
the Spanish crown, much to the annoyance of Columbus. Vespucci
proved to be an accomplished navigator, and chronicler of their
adventures. In 1498, Columbus, after much frustrating delay, set sail on his
third voyage to the New World (the Western Ocean, as Amerigo calls
it). Amerigo made a second voyage to the New World for the Spanish
crown in 1499, together with Columbus's son, Don Diego. There were a third and fourth voyage by Amerigo Vespucci made in
and after 1501 for the King of Portugal to South America (to the
South Seas, as Amerigo calls it).
Amerigo Vespucci was a famous letter-writer,
and his letters to his one-time employer, Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco
de' Medici and friend Soderini are his most famous. But
it should be understood, that Amerigo wrote his accounts of his
voyages, and then sent copies of the accounts to many of his friends
and acquaintances, and to prominent persons throughout Europe.
Some of these people published his
accounts (1502, 1504) in the original Latin, and in translations to
vernacular. In 1507, the German cartographer Martin Waldseemuller republished these accounts and proposed the naming of
the new continent (north and south) after Amerigo, using the Latin
feminized form of America, to follow the example of Europa and Asia.
I report, here below, two of Amerigo's letters.
The others reported in the source book are very repetitive.
The letters are depressing when read
today, with our sensibilities. Amerigo and his fellow
travelers become increasingly jaded and callous to the indigenous
people. Any life that is not a 'Christian' male is not valued.
They enslave locals and ship them back to Europe for profit, or as
curiosities. They scrounge anything of wealth from the local
tribes, fight and kill locals sometimes just for the pleasure of
fighting, and capture many animals to ship back to Europe just for
the fun of it.
Source: C. Edwards Lester's
book of 1853 The Life and Voyages of
Americus Vespucius
Martin
Waldseemüller's 1513 edition of Ptolemy was a landmark work that
contributed to major advances in both Renaissance geography and map
printing. Published by Johann Schott in Strassburg, it depicts for the
first time in an atlas format the newly discovered continents of North
and South America connected by a coastline. (Atlas Collection, U.
S. Library of Congress) If you wish to remain on my site, here is Martin
Waldseemuller's map showing the Islands that Columbus discovered, and
coastline from both South, Central and North America. Everything
is certainly not to scale, as the Island of Hispaniola (today's Haiti
and the Dominican Republic) is nearly in the middle of the Atlantic
Ocean! And Cuba is HUGE!
The first voyage was along the coast of today's
Guyana and Venzuela, and then to Hispaniola, the island Haiti and
the Dominican Republic share today. The second voyage was along Brazil's coastline,
and depending on the accounts you believe, continuing on to
Argentina's coastline, some say to the bottom of the continent.
First Letter, about the First Voyage, to Piero
Soderini, head of Florence’s republican government:
…
King Ferdinand of Castile had ordered four ships
to go in search of new lands, and I was selected by his highness to
go in that fleet, in order to assist in the discoveries. We sailed
from the port of Cadiz on the tenth day of May, A. D. 1497, and
steering our course through the great Western Ocean, spent eighteen
months in our expedition, discovering much land, and a great number
of islands, the largest part of which were inhabited.
…
The first land we made was that of the Fortunate
Islands, which are now called the Grand Canaries, situated in the
Western Ocean, as far as the habitable world was supposed to extend,
being located in the third climate, where the North Pole is elevated
twenty-seven and a half degrees above the horizon, and distant from
the city of Lisbon (where this letter was written) two hundred and
eighty leagues. Having arrived here, with south and southerly winds,
we tarried eight days, taking in wood and water and other
necessaries, when, having offered up our prayers, we weighed anchor
and set sail, steering a course west by south.
We sailed so rapidly, that at the end of
twenty-seven days we came in sight of land, which we judged to be a
continent, being about a thousand leagues west of the Grand
Canaries, and within the Torrid Zone, as we found the North Pole at
an elevation of six degrees above the horizon, and our instruments
showed it to be seventy-four degrees farther west than the Canary
Islands. Here we anchored our ships at a league and a half from the
shore; and, having cast off our boats, and filled them with men and
arms, proceeded at once to land.
[ed. In the Torrid Zone, also known as the Tropics, the sun is
directly overhead at least once during the year - at the edges of
the tropics this occurs at the summer solstice, and over the
equator, at the equinoxes. This is the hottest part of the
earth, and there are two annual seasons: a dry and a wet. The
Torrid Zone includes most of Africa, southern India, southern Asia,
Indonesia, New Guinea, northern Australia, southern Mexico, Central
America and northern South America, and it is here that Vespucci
landed.]
Before we landed we were much cheered by the
sight of many people rambling along the shore. We found that they
were all in a state of nudity, and they appeared to be afraid of us,
as I supposed from seeing us clothed, and of a different stature
from themselves. They retreated to a mountain, and, notwithstanding
all the signs of peace and friendship we could make, we could not
bring them to a parley with us; so, as the night was coming on and
the ships were anchored in an insecure place, by reason of the coast
being exposed, we agreed to leave there the next day, and go in
search of some port or bay where we could place our ships in safety.
We sailed along the coast with a northwest wind,
always keeping within sight of land, and continually seeing people
on shore; and having sailed two days, we found a very safe place for
the ships, and anchored at half a league from the land, and the same
day we landed in the boats forty men leaping on shore in good order. The people of the country, however, appeared very shy of us, and for
some time we could not sufficiently assure them to induce them to
come and speak with us; but at length we laboured so hard, in giving
them some of our things, such as looking- glasses, bells, beads, and
other trifles, that some of them acquired confidence enough to come
and treat with us for our mutual peace and friendship. Night coming
on, we took leave of them and re turned to our ships.
The next day, as the dawn appeared, we saw on the
shore a great number of men, with their wives and children; we
landed, and found that they had all come loaded with provisions and
materials, which will be described in the proper place. Before we
reached the land, many of them swam to meet us, the length of a bow
shot into the sea (as they are most excellent swimmers), and they
treated us with as much confidence as if we had had inter course
with them for a long time, which gratified us much.
All that we know of their life and manners is,
that they go entirely naked, not having the slightest covering
whatever; they are of middling stature, and very well proportioned ;
their flesh is of a reddish colour, like the skin of a lion, but I
think that if they had been accustomed to wear clothing, they would
have been as white as we are. They have no hair on the body, with
the exception of very long hair upon the head and the women
especially derive much beauty from this: their countenances are not
very handsome, as they have large faces, which might be compared
with those of the Tartars: they do not allow any hair to grow on
the eyelids or eyebrows, or any other part of the body, excepting
the head, as they consider it a great deformity. Both men and women
are very agile and easy in their persons, and swift in walking or
running; so that the women think nothing of running a league or two,
as we many times beheld, having, in this particular, greatly the
advantage of us Christians.
They swim incredibly well, the women better than
the men, as we have seen them many times swimming without any
support, fully two leagues at sea. Their arms are bows and arrows beautifully wrought, but unfurnished with iron or any other hard
metal, in place of which they make use of the teeth of animals or
fish, or sometimes substitute a slip of hard wood, made harder at
the point by fire. They are sure marksmen, who hit wherever they
wish, and in some parts the women also use the bow with dexterity.
They have other arms, such as lances and staves, with heads finely
wrought. When they make war they take their wives with them, not
that they may fight, but because they carry their provision behind
them; a woman frequently carrying a burden on her back for thirty
or forty leagues, which the strongest man among them could not do,
as we have many times witnessed.
These people have no captains, neither do they
march in order, but each one is his own master ; the cause of their
wars is not a love of conquest or enlarging their boundaries,
neither are they in cited to engage in them by inordinate covetousness, but from ancient enmity which has existed between them in
times past; and having been asked why they made war, they could give
us no other reason, than that they did it to avenge the death of
their ancestors. Neither have these people kings nor lords, nor do
they obey any one, but live in their own entire liberty, and the
manner in which they are incited to go to war, is this: when their
enemies have killed or taken prisoners any of their people, the
oldest relative rises and goes about proclaiming his wrongs aloud,
and calling upon them to go with him and avenge the death of his
relation. Thereupon they are moved with sympathy, and make ready for
the fight.
They have no tribunals of justice, neither do
they punish malefactors; and what is still more astonishing, neither
father nor mother chastises the children when they do wrong ; yet,
astounding as it may seem, there is no strife between them, or, to
say the least, we never saw any. They appear simple in speech, but
in reality are very shrewd and cunning in any matter which interests
them. They speak but little, and that little in a low tone of voice,
using the same accentuation that we use, and forming the words with
the palate, teeth, and lips, but they have a different mode of
diction. There is a great diversity of languages among them,
inasmuch that within every hundred leagues we found people who could
not understand each other. Their mode of life is most barbarous;
they do not eat at regular intervals and as much as they wish at
stated times, but it is a matter of indifference to them, whether
appetite comes at midnight or mid-day, and they eat upon the ground
at all hours, without napkin or table-cloth, having their food in
earthen basins, which they manufacture, or in hah* gourd shells.
They sleep in nets of cotton, very large, and
suspended in the air, and although this may seem rather a bad way of
sleeping, I can vouch for the fact, that it is extremely pleasant,
and one sleeps better thus, than on a mattress. They are neat and
clean in their persons, which is a natural consequence of their
perpetual bathing.
We are not aware that these people have any laws. Neither are they like Moors or Jews, but are worse than Gentiles and
Pagans, because we have never seen them offer any sacrifice, and
they have no houses of prayer. From their voluptuous manner of life,
I consider them Epicureans. Their dwellings are in communities, and
their houses are in the form of huts, but strongly built, with very
large trees, and covered with palm leaves, secure from wind and
storms; and in some places they are of such great length and breadth
that in a single house we found six hundred people, and we found
that the population of thirteen houses only amounted to four
thousand. They change their location every seven or eight years,
and on being asked why they did so, they said that it was on account
of the intense heat of the sun upon the soil, which by that time
became infected and corrupted with filthiness, and caused pains in
their bodies, which seemed to us very reasonable.
The riches of these people consist in the
feathers of birds of the most magnificent colours, of pater nosters,
which they fabricate of fish bones, of white or green stones, with
which they decorate the cheeks, lips, and ears, and of many other
things which are held in little or no esteem with us. They carry on
no commerce, neither buying nor selling, and, in short, live
contentedly with what nature gives them. The riches which we esteem
so highly in Europe and other parts, such as gold, jewels, pearls,
and other wealth, they have no regard for at all, and make no effort
to obtain any thing of this kind which exists in their country. They
are liberal in giving, never denying one any thing, and, on the
other hand, are just as free In asking. The greatest mark of friend
ship they can show, is to offer you their wives and daughters, and
parents consider themselves highly honoured by an acceptance of this
mark of favour.
In case of death, they make use of various
funeral obsequies. Some bury their dead with water and provisions
placed at their heads, thinking they may have occasion to eat, but
they make no parade in the way of funeral ceremonies. In some
places, they have a most barbarous mode of interment, which is thus: when one is sick or infirm, and nearly at the point of death, his
relatives carry him into a large forest, and there attaching one of
their sleeping hammocks to two trees, they place the sick person in
it, and continue to swing him about for a whole day. and when night
comes, after placing at his head water and other pro visions
sufficient to sustain him for five or six days, they return to their
village. If the sick person can help himself to eat and drink, and
recovers sufficiently to be able to return to the village, his
people receive him again with great ceremony; but few are they who
escape this mode of treatment; most of them die without being
visited, and that is their only burial.
They have various other customs which, to avoid
prolixity, are not here mentioned. They use in their diseases
various kinds of medicines, so different from any in vogue with us,
that we were astonished that any escaped. I often saw, for in
stance, that when a person was sick with a fever, which was
increasing upon him, they bathed him from head to foot with cold
water, and then making a great fire around him, they made him turn
round within the circle for about an hour or two. until they
fatigued him, and left him to sleep. Many were cured in this way.
They also observe a strict diet, eating nothing for three or four
days ; they practise bloodletting, but not on the arm, unless in the
armpit; but generally they take blood from the thighs and haunches,
or the calf of the leg. In like manner they excite vomiting with
certain herbs, which they put into their mouths, and they use many
other remedies, which it would be tedious to relate.
Their blood and phlegm is much disordered on
account of their food, which consists mainly of the roots of herbs,
of fruit and fish. They have no wheat or other grain, but instead,
make use of the root of a tree, from which they manufacture flour,
which is very good, and which they call Huca; the flour from another
root is called Kazabi. and from another, Ignami. They eat little
meat except human flesh, and you will notice that in this particular
they are more savage than beasts, because all their enemies who are
killed or taken prisoners, whether male or female, are devoured with
so much fierceness, that it seems dis gusting to relate, much more
to see it done, as I with my own eyes have many times witnessed this
proof of their inhumanity. Indeed, they mar- veiled much to hear us
say that we did not eat our enemies.
And your Excellency may rest assured that their
other barbarous customs are so numerous that it is impossible herein
to describe all of them. As in these four voyages I have witnessed
so many things at variance with our own customs, I pre pared myself
to write a collection, which I call "The Four Voyages," in which I
have related the major part of the things which I saw, as clearly as
my feeble capacity would permit. This work is not yet published,
though many advise me to publish it. In it every thing will appear
minutely, therefore I shall not enlarge any more in this letter,
because in the course of it we shall see many things which are
peculiar. Let this suffice for matters in general.
In this commencement of discoveries we did not
see any thing of much profit in the country, owing, as I think, to
our ignorance of the language, except some few indications of gold.
In whatever relates to the situation and appearance of the country
we could not have succeeded better. We concluded to leave this place
and go onward, and having unanimously come to this resolution, we
coasted along near the land, making many stops, and holding
discourses with many people, until after some days we came into a harbour, where we fell into very great danger, from which it pleased
the Holy Spirit to deliver us.
It happened in this manner. We landed in a port
where we found a village built over the water, like Venice. There
were about forty-four houses, shaped like bells, built upon very
large piles, having entrances by means of drawbridges [ed. The
natives called this place Coquibacoa: it is the modem Venezuela], so
that by laying the bridges from house to house, the in habitants
could pass through the whole. When the people saw us, they appeared
to be afraid of us, and to protect themselves, suddenly raised all
their bridges, and shut themselves up in their houses. While we
stood looking at them and wondering at this proceeding, we saw
coming toward us by sea about two and twenty canoes, which are the
boats they make use of, and are carved out of a single tree. They
came directly toward our boats, appearing to be astonished at our
figures and dresses, and keeping at a little distance from us. This
being the case, we made signals of friendship, to induce them to
come nearer to us, endeavouring to reassure them by every token of
kindness; but seeing that they did not come, we went toward them.
They would not wait for us, however, but fled to the land, making
signs to us to wait, and giving us to understand that they would
soon return.
They fled directly to a mountain, but did not
tarry there long, and when they returned, brought with them sixteen
of their young girls, and entering their canoes, came to our boats
and put four of them into each boat, at which we were very much
astonished, as your Excellency may well imagine. Then they mingled
with their canoes among our boats, and we considered their coming to
speak to us in this manner, to be a token of friendship. Taking this
for granted, we saw a great crowd of people swimming toward us from
the houses, without any suspicion. At this juncture, some old women
showed themselves at the doors of the houses, wailing and tearing
their hair as if in great distress. From this we began to be
suspicious, and had immediate recourse to our weapons, when suddenly
the girls, who were in our boats, threw themselves into the sea, and
the canoes moved away, the people in them assailing us with their
bows and arrows. Those who came swimming toward us brought each a
lance, concealed as much as possible under the water.
Their
treachery being thus discovered, we began not only to defend
ourselves, but to act severely on the offensive. We overturned many
of their canoes with our boats, and making considerable slaughter
among them, they soon abandoned the canoes altogether and swam to
the shore. Fifteen or twenty were killed and many wounded on their
side, while on ours five were slightly wounded, all the rest
escaping by favour of Divine Providence, and these five being
quickly cured. We took prisoners two of their girls and three men,
and on entering their houses found only two old women and one sick
man. We took from them many things of little value, but would not
burn their dwellings, being restrained by conscientious scruples.
Returning to our boats and thence to our ships, with five prisoners,
we put irons on the feet of each, excepting the young females, yet
when night came, the two girls and one of the men escaped in the
most artful manner in the world.
These events having occurred, the
next day we concluded to depart from the port and proceed further.
Keeping our course continually along the coast, we at length came to
anchor at about eighty leagues distance from the place we had left,
and found another race of people, whose language and customs were
very different from those we had seen last. We determined to land,
and while proceeding in our boats, we saw standing on the shore a
great multitude, numbering about four thousand people. They did not
wait to receive us, but fled precipitately to the woods, abandoning
their things. We leaped ashore, and taking the way which led to the
wood, found their tents within the space of a bow-shot, where they
had made a great fire, and two of them were cooking their food,
roasting many animals and fish of various kinds.
We noticed that they were roasting a certain
animal that looked like a serpent; it had no wings, and was so
filthy in appearance, that we were astonished at its deformity. As
we went through their houses or tents, we saw many of these serpents
alive. Their feet were tied, and they had a cord round their snouts,
so that they could not open their mouths, as dogs are some times
muzzled, so that they may not bite. These animals had such a savage
appearance, that none of us dared to turn one over, thinking they
might be poisonous. They are about the size of a kid. about the
length and a half of a man s arm, having long coarse feet armed with
large nails. Their skin is hard, and they are of various colours.
[ed. Alligators/crocodiles] They have the snout and face of a
serpent, and from the nose there runs a crest, passing over the
middle of the back to the root of the tail. We finally concluded
that they were serpents, and poisonous; and, nevertheless, they were
eaten.
We found that this people made bread of small
fish which they caught in the sea. by first boiling them, then
kneading together and making a paste of them, which they baked upon
the hot coals ; we tried it, and found it good. They have so many
other kinds of eating, chiefly of fruits and roots, that it would be
very tedious to describe them minutely. Seeing, then, that the
people did not re turn, we resolved not to meddle with or take away
any of their things, in order to reassure them; and, having left in
their tents many of our own things, in places where they might be
seen, returned to our ships for the night. Early the next morning we
saw a great number of people on the shore, and landed. Though they
seemed fearful of us, they were sufficiently confident to treat with
us, and gave us all that we asked of them. Finally they became very
friendly; told us that this was not their place of dwelling, but
that they had come there to carry on their fishery. They invited us
to go to their villages, because they wished to receive us as
friends their amicable feelings toward us being much strengthened by
the circumstance of our having the two prisoners with us, who were
their enemies. They importuned us so much, that, having taken
counsel, twenty-three of us Christians concluded to go with them,
well prepared, and with firm resolution to die manfully, if such was
to be our fate.
After we had remained here three days, we
accordingly started with them for a journey inland. Three leagues
from the shore we arrived at a tolerably well-peopled village, of a
few houses- there not being over nine where we were received with BO
many and such barbarous ceremonies, that no pen is equal to the task
of describing them. There was dancing and singing, and weeping
mingled with rejoicing, and great feasting. Here we staid for the
night, when they offered us their wives, and solicited us with such
urgency, that we could not refrain. After having passed the night
and half of the next day, an immense number of people visiting us
from motives of curiosity the oldest among them begging us to go
with them to other villages, as they desired to do us great honour
we determined to proceed still further inland. And it is impossible
to tell how much honour they did us there. We visited so many
villages, that we spent nine days hi the journey; having been so
long absent, that our companions in the ships began to be uneasy on
our account.
Being now about eighteen leagues inland, we de
liberated about returning. On our return, we were accompanied by a
wonderful number, of both sexes, quite to the seashore; and when any
of us grew weary with walking, they carried us in their hammocks
much at our ease; in passing rivers, which were numerous and quite
large, they conveyed us over with so much skill and safety, that we
were not in the slightest danger. Many of them were laden with the
presents they had made us, which they transported in hammocks. These
consisted in very rich plumage, many bows and arrows, and an
infinite number of parrots of various colours. Others brought loads
of provisions and animals. For a greater wonder. I will in form your
Excellency, that when we had to cross over a river, they carried us
on their backs.
Having arrived at the sea, and entered the boats
which had come on shore for us, we were astonished at the crowd
which endeavoured to get into the boats to go to see our ships; they
were so overloaded that they were oftentimes on the point of
sinking. We carried as many as we could on board, and so many more
came by swimming, that we were quite troubled at the multitude on
board, although they were all naked and unarmed. They were in great
astonishment at our equipments and implements, and at the size of
our ships.
Here quite a laughable occurrence took place at their
expense. We concluded to try the effect of discharging some of our
artillery, and when they heard the thundering report, the greater
part of them jumped into the sea from fright, acting like frogs
sitting on a bank, who plunge into the marsh on the approach of any
thing that alarms them. Those who remained in the ships were so
timorous that we repented of having done this. However, we reassured
them by telling them that these were the arms with which we killed
our enemies. Having amused themselves in the ships all day, we told
them that they must go, as we wished to depart in the night. So they
took leave of us with many demonstrations of friendship and
affection, and went ashore.
I saw more of the manners and customs of these
people, while in their country, than I wish to dwell upon here. Your
Excellency will notice, that in each of my voyages, I have noted the
most extraordinary things which have occurred, and compiled the
whole into one volume, in the style of a geography, and entitled it
"The Four Voyages." In this work will be found a minute description
of the things which I saw, but as there is no copy of it yet
published, owing to my being obliged to examine and correct it, it
becomes necessary for me to impart them to you herein.
This country is full of inhabitants, and contains
a great many rivers. Very few of the animals are similar to ours,
excepting the lions, panthers, stags, hogs, goats, and deer, and
even these are a little different in form. They have neither horses,
mules, nor asses, neither cows, dogs, nor any kind of domestic
animals. Their other animals, however, are so very numerous, that it
is impossible to count them, and all of them so wild, that they
cannot be employed for serviceable uses. But what shall I say of
their birds, which are so numerous and of so many species and
varieties of plumage, that it is astounding to behold them !
The country is pleasant and fruitful, full of
woods and forests, which are always green, as they never lose their
foliage. The fruits are numberless, and totally different from ours.
The land lies within the Torrid Zone, under the parallel which
describes the Tropic of Cancer, where the pole is elevated
twenty-three degrees above the horizon, on the borders of the second
climate. A great many people came to see us, and were astonished at
our features and the whiteness of our skins. They asked us where we
came from, and we gave them to understand that we came from heaven,
with the view of visiting the world, and they believed us. In this
country we established a baptismal font, and great numbers were
baptized, calling us, in their language, Carabi, which means men of
great wisdom.
The natives called this province Lariab. We left
the port, and sailed along the coast, continuing in sight of land,
until we had run, calculating our advances and retrogressions, eight
hundred and seventy leagues towards the north west, making many
stops by the way, and having intercourse with many people. In some
places we found traces of gold, but in small quantities, it being
sufficient for us to have discovered the country and to know that
there was gold in it.
We had now been thirteen months on the voyage,
and the ships and rigging were much worn, and the men weary. So by
common consent we agreed to careen our ships on the beach, in order
to calk and pitch them anew, as they leaked badly, and then to
return to Spain. When we took this resolution, we were near one of
the best harbours in the world [ed. modern port of Mochina, on the
coast of Cumana], which we entered, and found a vast number of
people, who received us most kindly.* We made a breastwork on shore
with our boats and our casks, and placed our artillery so that it
would play over them ; then having unloaded and lightened our ships,
we hauled them to land, and repaired them wherever they needed it.
The natives were of very great assistance to us, continually
providing food, so that in this port we consumed very little of our
own. This served us a very good turn, for our provisions were poor,
and the stock so much reduced at this time, that we feared it would
hardly last us on our return to Spain. Having stayed here
thirty-seven days, visiting their villages many times, where they
paid us the highest honour, we wished to depart on our voyage.
Before we set sail, the natives complained to us,
that at certain times in the year there came from the sea into their
territory a very cruel tribe, who, either by treachery or force,
killed many of them, and eat them, while they captured others, and
carried them prisoners into their own country, and that they were
hardly able to defend themselves. They signified to us that this
tribe were islanders, and lived at about one hundred leagues
distance at sea. They narrated this to us with so much simplicity
and feeling, that we credited them, and promised to avenge their
great injuries; at which they were highly rejoiced, and many offered
to go with us. We did not wish to take them, for many reasons, and
only carried seven, on the condition that they should come back in
their own canoes, for we would not enter into obligations to return
them to their own country. With this they were contented, and we
parted from these people, leaving them very well disposed toward us.
Our ships having been repaired, we set sail on
our return, taking a northeasterly course, and at the end of seven
days fell in with some islands. There were a great many of them,
some peopled, others uninhabited. We landed at one of them, where we
saw many people, who called the island Iti. Having filled our boats
with good men, and put three rounds of shot in each boat, we
proceeded toward the land, where we saw about four hundred men and
many women, all naked, like those we had seen before. They were of
good stature, and appeared to be very warlike men, being armed with
bows and arrows, and lances. The greater part of them carried staves
of a square form, attached to their persons in such a manner that
they were not prevented from drawing the bow. As we approached
within bow-shot of the shore, they all leaped into the water, and
shot their arrows at us, to prevent our landing.
They were painted with various colours, and
plumed with feathers, and the interpreters who were with us told us
that when they were thus painted and plumed they showed a wish to
fight. They persisted so much in their endeavours to deter us from
landing, that we were at last compelled to fire on them with our
artillery. Hearing the thunder of our cannon, and seeing some of
their people fall dead, they all retreated to the shore. We, having
consulted together, forty of us resolved to leap ashore, and if they
waited for us, to fight with them. Proceeding thus, they attacked
us, and we fought about two hours with little advantage, except that
our bowmen and gunners killed some of their people, and they wounded
some of ours. This was because we could not get a chance to use the
lance or the sword. We finally, by desperate exertion, were enabled
to draw the sword, and as soon as they had a taste of our arms, they
fled to the mountains and woods, leaving us masters of the field,
with many of their people killed and wounded. This day we did not
pursue them, because we were much fatigued, but returned to our
ships, the seven men who came with us being very highly rejoiced.
The next day we saw a great number of people
coming through the country, still offering us signs of battle,
sounding horns and various other instruments which they use in war,
and all painted and plumed, which gave them a strange and ferocious
appearance. Whereupon, all in the ships held a grand council, and it
was determined that since these people were resolved to be at enmity
with us, we would go to meet them, and do every thing to engage
their friendship ; but in case they would not receive it, we
resolved to treat them as enemies, and to make slaves of all we
could capture. Having armed ourselves in the best manner possible,
we immediately rowed ashore, where they did not resist our landing,
from fear, as I think, of our bombardment. We disembarked in four
squares, being fifty-seven men, each captain with his own men, and
engaged them in battle.
After a long battle, having killed
many, we put them to flight, and pursued them to a village, taking
about two hundred and fifty prisoners. We burned the village, and
returned victorious to the ships with our prisoners, leaving many
killed and wounded on their side, while on ours not more than one
died, and only twenty-two were wounded. The rest all escaped unhurt,
for which, God be thanked. We soon arranged for our departure, and
the seven men. of whom five were wounded, took a canoe from the
island, and with seven prisoners, four women and three men that we
gave them, returned to their own country, very merry and greatly
astonished at our power. We also set sail for Spain, with two
hundred and twenty-two prisoners, slaves, and arrived in the port of
Cadiz on the fifteenth day of October, 1498, where we were well
received, and found a market for our slaves. This is what happened
to me, in this my first voyage, that may be considered worth
relating! Second
Letter about the Second Voyage, to Lorenzo di Pier-Francesco de’
Medici: Your
Excellency will please to note, that, commissioned by his highness
the King of Spain, I set out with two small ships, on the 18th of
May, 1499, on a voyage of discovery to the southwest, by way of the
great ocean, and steered my course along the coast of Africa, until
I reached the Fortunate Islands, which are now called the Canaries.
After having provided ourselves with all things necessary, first
offering our prayers to God. we set sail from an island which is
called Gomera, and turning our prows southwardly, sailed twenty-four
days with a fresh wind, without seeing any land. At the
end of these twenty-four days we came within sight of land, and
found that we had sailed about thirteen hundred leagues, and were at
that distance from the city of Cadiz, in a southwesterly direction.
When we saw the land we gave thanks to God, and then launched our
boats, and, with sixteen men, went to the shore, which we found
thickly covered with trees, astonishing both on account of their
size and their verdure, for they never lose their foliage. The sweet
odour which they exhaled (for they are all aromatic) highly
delighted us, and we were rejoiced in regaling our nostrils. We
rowed along the shore in the boats, to see if we could find any
suitable place for landing, but after toiling from morning till
night, we found no way or passage which we could enter and
disembark. We were prevented from doing so by the lowness of the
land, and by its being so densely covered with trees. We concluded,
therefore, to return to the ships, and make an attempt to land in
some other spot. We
observed one remarkable circumstance in these seas. It was, that at
fifteen leagues from the land, we found the water fresh like that of
a river and we filled all our empty casks with it. Having returned
to our ships, we raised anchor and set sail turning our prows
southwardly, as it was my intention to see whether I could sail
round a point of land, which Ptolemy calls the Cape of Cattegara
(which is near the Great Bay.) In my opinion it was not far from
it, ac cording to the degrees of latitude and longitude, which will
be stated hereafter. Sailing in a southerly direction along the
coast, we saw two large rivers issuing from the land one running
from west to east, and being four leagues in width, which is sixteen
miles, the other ran from south to north, and was three leagues
wide. I think that these two rivers, by reason of their magnitude,
caused the freshness of the water in the ad joining sea. Seeing that
the coast was invariably low, we determined to enter one of these
rivers with the boats, and ascend it till we either found a suitable
landing-place or an inhabited village. Having
prepared our boats, and put in provision for four days, with twenty
men well armed, we entered the river, and rowed nearly two days,
making a distance of about eighteen leagues. We attempted to land in
many places by the way, but found the low land still continuing, and
so thickly covered with trees, that a bird could scarcely fly
through them. While thus navigating the river, we saw very certain
indications that the inland parts of the country were inhabited;
nevertheless, as our vessels remained in a dangerous place, in case
an adverse wind should arise, we concluded, at the end of two days,
to return. Here we
saw an immense number of birds, of various forms and colours; a
great number of parrots, and so many varieties of them, that it
caused us great astonishment. Some were crimson-coloured, others of
variegated green and lemon, others entirely green, and others,
again, that were black and flesh-coloured. Oh I the song of other
species of birds, also, was so sweet and so melodious, as we heard
it among the trees, that we often lingered, listening to their
charming music. The trees, too, were so beautiful, and smelt so
sweetly, that we almost imagined our selves in a terrestrial
paradise; yet not one of those trees, or the fruit of them, were
similar to the trees or fruit in our part of the world. On our way
back we saw many people, of various descriptions, fishing in the
river. Having
arrived at our ships, we raised anchor and set sail, still
continuing in a southerly direction, and standing off to sea about
forty leagues. While sailing on this course, we encountered a
current, which ran from southeast to northwest; so great was it, and
ran so furiously, that we were put into great fear, and were exposed
to great peril. The current was so strong, that the Strait of
Gibraltar and that of the Faro of Messina appeared to us like mere
stagnant water in comparison with it. We could scarcely make any
headway against it, though we had the wind fresh and fair. Seeing
that we made no progress, or but very little, and the danger to
which we were exposed, we determined to turn our prows to the
northwest. As I
know, if I remember right, that your Excellency understands
something of cosmography. I intend to describe to you our progress,
in our navigation, by the latitude and longitude. We sailed so far
to the south, that we entered the Torrid Zone, and penetrated the
Circle of Cancer. You may rest assured, that for a few days, while
sailing through the Torrid Zone, we saw four shadows of the sun, as
the sun appeared in the zenith to us at mid-day. I would say that
the sun, being in our meridian, gave us no shadow, and this I was
enabled many times to demonstrate to all the company, and took their
testimony of this fact. This I did on account of the ignorance of
the common people, who do not know that the sun moves through its
circle of the zodiac. At one time I saw our shadow to the south. at
another to the north, at another to the west, and at another to the
east, and sometimes, for an hour or two of the day, we had no shadow
at all. We
sailed so far south in the Torrid Zone, that we found ourselves
under the equinoctial line, and had both poles at the edge of the
horizon. Having passed the line, and sailed six degrees to the south
of it, we lost sight of the north star altogether, and even the
stars of Ursa Minor, or, to speak better, the guardians which
revolve about the firmament, were scarcely seen. Very desirous of
being the author who should designate the other polar star of the
firmament. I lost, many a time, my night s sleep, while
contemplating the movement of the stars around the Southern Pole, in
order to ascertain which had the least motion, and which might be
nearest to the firmament, but I was not able to accomplish it with
such bad nights as I had, and such instruments as I used, which were
the quadrant and astrolabe. I could not distinguish a star which had
less than ten degrees of motion around the firmament ; so that I was
not satisfied within myself, to name any particular one for the pole
of the meridian, on account of the large revolution which they all
made around the firmament. … It
appears to me that the poet [ed. Dante] wished to de scribe in these
verses, by the four stars, the pole of the other firmament, and I
have little doubt, even now, that what he says may be true. I
observed four stars in the figure of an almond, which had but little
motion, and if God gives me life and health, I hope to go again into
that hemisphere, and not to return without observing the pole [ed.
The Southern Cross]. In conclusion. I would remark, that we extended
our navigation so far south, that our difference of latitude from
the city of Cadiz was sixty degrees and a half, because, at that
city, the pole is elevated thirty-five degrees and a half, and we
had passed six degrees beyond the equinoctial line. … [Ed.
astronomical calculations relating to the size of the Earth, very
accurate] It
appears to me, most excellent Lorenzo, that by this voyage most of
those philosophers are controverted, who say that the Torrid Zone
can not be inhabited on account of the great heat. I have found the
case to be quite the contrary. I have found that the air is fresher
and more temperate in that region than beyond it, and that the
inhabitants are also more numerous here than they are in the other
zones, for reasons which will be given below. Thus it is certain,
that practice is of more value than theory. Thus
far I have related the navigation I accomplished in the South and
West. It now re mains for me to inform you of the appearance of the
country we discovered, the nature of the in habitants, and their
customs, the animals we saw, and of many other things worthy of
remembrance, which fell under my observation. After we turned our
course to the north, the first land we found to be inhabited was an
island, at ten degrees distant from the equinoctial line. When we
arrived at it, we saw on the seashore a great many people who stood
looking at us with astonishment. We anchored within about a mile of
land, fitted out the boats, and twenty-two men, well armed, made for
land. The people, when they saw us landing, and perceived that we
were different from themselves (because they have no beard and wear
no clothing of any description, being also of a different colour,
they being brown and we white), began to be afraid of us, and all
ran into the woods. With great exertion, by means of signs, we
reassured them, and negotiated with them. We found that they were of
a race called cannibals, the greater part, or all of whom, live on
human flesh. Your
Excellency may rest assured of this fact. They do not eat one
another, but navigating with certain barks which they call canoes,
they bring their prey from the neighbouring islands or countries
inhabited by those who are enemies, or of a different tribe from
their own. They never eat any women, unless they consider them
outcasts. These things we verified in many places where we found
similar people. We often saw the bones and heads of those who had
been eaten, and they who had made the repast admitted the fact, and
said that their enemies always stood in much greater fear on that
account. Still
they are a people of gentle disposition and beautiful stature. They
go entirely naked, and the arms which they carry are bows and
arrows, and shields. They are a people of great activity and much
courage. They are very excellent marksmen. In fine, we held much
intercourse with them, and they took us to one of their villages
about two leagues inland, and gave us our breakfast. They gave
whatever was asked of them, though I think more through fear than
affection, and after having been with them all one day, we returned
to the ships, still remaining on friendly terms with them. We
sailed along the coast of this island, and saw by the seashore
another large village of the same tribe. We landed in the boats, and
found they were waiting for us, all loaded with provisions, and they
gave us enough to make a very good breakfast, according to their
ideas of dishes. Seeing they were such kind people, and treated us
so well, we dared not take any thing from them, and made sail till
we arrived at a gulf which is called the Gulf of Paria. We anchored
opposite the mouth of a great river, which causes the water of this
gulf to be fresh, and saw a large village close to the sea. We were
surprised at the great number of people who were seen there. They
were without arms, and seemed peaceably disposed. We went ashore
with the boats, and they received us with great friendship, and took
us to their houses, where they had made very good preparations for
breakfast. Here they gave us three sorts of wine to drink, not of
the juice of the grape, but made of fruits like beer, and they were
excellent. Here also we ate many fresh acorns, a most royal fruit.
They gave us many other fruits, all different from ours, and of very
good flavour, the flavour and odour of all being aromatic. They
gave us some small pearls, and eleven large ones; and they told us
by signs, that if we would wait some days, they would go and fish
for them, and bring us many of them. We did not wish to be detained,
so with many parrots of various colours, and in good friendship, we
parted from them. From these people we learned that those of the
before-mentioned island were cannibals, and ate human flesh. We
issued from this gulf and sailed along the coast, seeing continually
great numbers of people, and when we were so disposed, we treated
with them, and they gave us every thing we asked of them. They all
go as naked as they were born, without being ashamed. If all were to
be related concerning the little shame they have, it would be
bordering on impropriety, therefore it is better to suppress it. After
having sailed about four hundred leagues continually along the
coast, we concluded that this land was a continent, which might be
bounded by the eastern parts of Asia, this being the commencement of
the western part of the continent. Because it happened often that we
saw divers animals, such as lions, stags, goats, wild hogs, rabbits,
and other land animals, which are not found in islands, but only on
the mainland. Going inland one day with twenty men, we saw a serpent
which was about twenty-four feet in length, and as large in girth as
myself. We were very much afraid of it, and the sight of it caused
us to return immediately to the sea. I oftentimes saw many ferocious
animals and large serpents. Thus
sailing along the coast, we discovered every day a great number of
people, speaking various languages. When we had navigated four
hundred leagues along the coast, we began to find people who did not
wish for our friendship, but stood waiting for us with their arms,
which were bows and arrows, and with some other arms which they use.
When we went to the shore in our boats, they disputed our landing in
such a manner that we were obliged to fight with them. At the end of
the battle they found that they had the worst of it, for as they
were naked, we always made great slaughter. Many times not more than
sixteen of us fought with two thousand of them, and in the end
defeated them, killing many, and robbing their houses. One day
we saw a great number of people, all posted in battle array to
prevent our landing. We fitted out twenty-six men well armed, and
covered the boats, on account of the arrows which were shot at us,
and which always wounded some of us before we landed. After they had
hindered us as long as they could, we leaped on shore, and fought a
hard battle with them. The reason why they had so much courage and
made such great- exertion against us, was, that they did not know
what kind of a weapon the sword was, or how it cuts. While thus
engaged in combat, so great was the multitude of people who charged
upon us, throwing at us such a cloud of arrows, that we could not
withstand the assault, and nearly abandoning the hope of life, we
turned our backs and ran to the boats. While thus disheartened and
flying, one of our sailors, a Portuguese, a man of fifty-five years
of age, who had remained to guard the boat, seeing the danger we
were in. jumped on shore, and with a loud voice called out to us, "
Children turn your faces to your enemies, and God will give you the
victory" Throwing himself on his knees, he made a prayer, and then
rushed furiously upon the Indians, and we all joined with him,
wounded as we were. On that they turned their backs to us, and began
to flee, and finally we routed them, and killed a hundred and fifty.
We burned their houses also, at least one hundred and eighty in
number. Then, as we were badly wounded and weary, we returned to the
ships, and went into a harbour to recruit, where we staid twenty
days, solely that the physician might cure us. All escaped except
one, who was wounded in the left breast.
After
being cured, we recommenced our navigation, and, through the same
cause, we often were obliged to fight with a great many people, and
always had the victory over them. Thus continuing our voyage, we
came upon an island, fifteen leagues distant from the mainland. As
at our arrival we saw no collection of people, the island appearing
favourably, we determined to attempt it, and eleven of us landed. We
found a path, in which we walked nearly two leagues in land, and
came to a village of about twelve houses, in which there were only
seven women, who were so large, that there was not one among them
who was not a span and a half taller than myself. When they saw us,
they were very much frightened, and the principal one among them,
who was certainly a discreet woman, led us by signs into a house,
and had refreshments prepared for us. We saw
such large women, that we were about determining to carry off two
young ones, about fifteen years of age, and make a present of them
to this king, as they were, without doubt, creatures whose stature
was above that of common men. While we were debating this subject,
thirty- six men entered the house where we were drinking ; they were
of such large stature, that each one was taller when upon his knees
than I when standing erect. In fact, they were of the stature of
giants in their size, and in the proportion of their bodies, which
corresponded well with their height. Each of the women appeared a
Pantastiea, and the men Antei. When they came in, some of our own
number were BO frightened that they did not consider themselves
safe. They had bows and arrows, and very large clubs, made in the
form of swords. Seeing that we were of small stature, they began to
converse with us, in order to learn who we were, and from what parts
we came. We gave them fair words, for the sake of peace, and
answered them, by signs, that we were men of peace, and that we were
going to see the world. Finally, we held it to be our wisest course
to part from them without questioning in our turn ; so we returned
by the same path in which we had come they accompanying us quite to
the sea till we went on board the ships.
Nearly
half the trees of this island are of dye-wood, as good as that of
the East. We went from this island to another, in the vicinity, at
ten leagues distance, and found a very large village the houses of
which were built over the sea, like Venice, with much ingenuity.
While we were struck with admiration at this circumstance, we
determined to go and see them; and as we went to their houses, they
attempted to prevent our entering. They found out at last the manner
in which the sword cuts, and thought it best to let us enter. We
found their houses filled with the finest cotton, and the beams of
their dwellings were made of dye-wood. We took a quantity of their
cotton and some dye-wood, and returned to the ships. Your
Excellency must know, that in all parts where we landed, we found a
great quantity of cotton, and the country filled with cotton trees.
So that all the vessels in the world might be loaded in these parts
with cotton and dye-wood. At
length we sailed three hundred leagues farther along the coast,
constantly finding savage but brave people, and very often fighting
with them, and vanquishing them. We found seven different languages
among them, each of which was not understood by those who spoke the
others. It is said there are not more than seventy-seven languages
in the world, but I say that there are more than a thousand, as
there are more than forty which I have heard myself. After
having sailed along this coast seven hundred leagues or more,
besides visiting numerous islands, our ships became greatly
sea-worn, and leaked badly, so that we could hardly keep them free
with two pumps going. The men also were much fatigued, and the
provisions growing short. We were then, according to the decision of
the pi lots, within a hundred and twenty leagues of an island called
Hispaniola, discovered by the Admiral Columbus six years before. We
determined to proceed to it, and as it was inhabited by Christians,
to repair our ships there, allow the men a little repose, and
recruit our stock of provisions; because from this island to Castile
there are three hundred leagues of ocean, without any land
intervening. In
seven days we arrived at this island, where we staid two months.
Here we refitted our ships and obtained our supply of provisions. We
after wards concluded to go to northern parts, where we discovered
more than a thousand islands, the greater part of them inhabited.
The people were without clothing, timid and ignorant, and we did
whatever we wished to do with them. This last portion of our
discoveries was very dangerous to our navigation, on account of the
shoals which we found thereabouts. In several instances we came near
being lost. We sailed in this sea two hundred leagues directly
north, until our people had become worn down with fatigue, through
having been already nearly a year at sea. Their allowance was only
six ounces of bread for eating, and but three small measures of
water for drinking, per diem. And as the ships became dangerous to
navigate with much longer, they remonstrated, saying that they
wished to return to their homes in Castile, and not to tempt fortune
and the sea any more. Whereupon we concluded to take some prisoners,
as slaves, and loading the ships with them, to return at once to
Spain. Going, there fore, to certain islands, we possessed ourselves
by force of two hundred and thirty-two, and steered our course for
Castile. In sixty-seven days we crossed the ocean, and arrived at
the islands of the Azores, which belong to the King of Portugal, and
are three hundred leagues distant from Cadiz. Here, having taken in
our refreshments, we sailed for Castile, but the wind was contrary,
and we were obliged to go to the Canary Islands, from there to the
island of Madeira, and thence to Cadiz. We were
absent thirteen months on this voyage, exposing ourselves to awful
dangers, and discovering a very large country of Asia, and a great
many islands, the largest part of them inhabited. According to the
calculations I have several times made with the compass, we have
sailed about five thousand leagues. To conclude we passed the
equinoctial line six and a half degrees to the south, and afterwards
turned to the north, which we penetrated so far, that the north star
was at an elevation of thirty-five degrees and a half above our
horizon. To the west, we sailed eighty-four distant from the
meridian of the city and port of Cadiz. We discovered immense
regions, saw a vast number of people, all naked, and speaking
various languages. On the land we saw numerous wild animals, various
kinds of birds, and an infinite quantity of trees, all aromatic. We
brought home pearls in their growing state, and gold in the grain ;
we brought two stones, one of emerald colour and the other of
amethyst, which was very hard, and at least half a span long, and
three fingers thick. The sovereigns esteem them most highly, and
have preserved them among their jewels. We brought also a piece of
crystal, which some jewellers say is beryl, and, according to what
the Indians told us, they had a great quantity of the same ; we
brought fourteen flesh- coloured pearls, with which the queen was
highly delighted; we brought many other stones which appeared
beautiful to us, but of all these we did not bring a large quantity,
as we were continually busied in our navigation, and did not tarry
long in any place. When we
arrived at Cadiz, we sold many slaves, finding two hundred remaining
to us, the others, completing the number of two hundred and thirty-
two, having died at sea. After deducting the expense of
transportation, we gained only about five hundred ducats, which,
having to be divided into fifty-five parts, made the share of each
very small. However, we contented ourselves with life, and rendered
thanks to God, that during the whole voyage, out of fifty-seven
Christian men, which was our number, only two had died, they having
been killed by the Indians. … I have
had two quartan agues [Ed. Fevers, malaria-like] since my return,
but I hope, by the favour of God, to be well soon, as they do not
continue long now, and are without chills. I have passed over many
things worthy of being remembered, in order not to be more tedious
than I can help, all which are re served for the pen and in the
memory. They
are fitting out three ships for me here, that I may go on a new
voyage of discovery; and I think they will be ready by the middle of
September. May it please our Lord to give me health and a good
voyage, as I hope again to bring very great news and discover the
island of Trapobana, which is between the Indian Ocean and the Sea
of Ganges. Afterwards I intend to return to my country, and seek
repose in the days of my old age. I shall
not enlarge any more at present, though many things have been
omitted, in part from their not being remembered at all, and in part
that I might not be more prolix than I have been. I have
resolved, most excellent Lorenzo, that as I have thus given you an
account by letter of what has occurred to me, to send you two plans
and descriptions of the world, made and arranged by my own hand and
skill. There will be a map on a plane surface, and the other a view
of the world in spherical form, which I intend to send you by sea,
in the care of one Francesco Lotti, a Florentine, who is here. I
think you will be pleased with them, particularly with the globe, as
I made one not long since for these sovereigns, and they esteem it
highly. I could have wished to have come with them personally, but
my new departure, for making other discoveries, will not allow me
that pleasure. There are not wanting in your city persons who
understand the figure of the world, and ^ho may, perhaps, correct
something in it. Nevertheless, whatever may be pointed out for me to
correct, let them wait till I come, as it may be that I shall defend
my self and prove my accuracy. I
suppose your Excellency has learned the news brought by the fleet
which the King of Portugal sent two years ago to make discoveries on
the coast of Guinea. I do not call such a voyage as that a voyage of
discovery, but only a visit to discovered lands; because, as you
will see by the map, their navigation was continually within sight
of land, and they sailed round the whole southern part of the
continent of Africa, which is proceeding by a way spoken of by all
cosmographical authors. It is true that the navigation has been very
profitable, which is a matter of great consideration here in this
kingdom, where inordinate covetousness reigns. I understand that
they passed from the Red Sea, and extended their voyage into the
Persian Gulf, to a city called Cali cut, which is situated between
the Persian Gulf and the river Indus. More lately the King of
Portugal has received from sea twelve ships very richly laden, and
he has sent them again to those parts, where they will certainly do
a profitable business if they arrive safely. May our
Lord preserve and increase the exalted state of your noble
Excellency as I desire. July 18th, 1500. Your
Excellency s humble servant,
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. Here are some more images from the same source,
illustrating events from other letters about other voyages.
Amerigo
Vespucci
Italian Navigators Didn't Work for Italians
Why Amerigo Went to Spain
John Cabot (Giovanni Caboto)Discovered North America in 1497 (after
the Vikings in 1005)
Elena Vespucci and the Vespucci Descendents
The development of both the compass (c.1200) and the mariner's
astrolabe (c1550) made sailing more accurate, and map-making
possible.
The First Voyage
The Second Voyage